It’s only been a month since your taquillero is in the cinemas and a few days of having achieved a record for the project on streaming platforms, Argentina, 1985 go the way to convert to him most important political and cultural event in recent years. Es que el film, which recreates the mythical Judgment to the Military Juntas, on the ground is covered with the necessary condiments to be erected in a true cinematographic success (fight of “good” against “evil”, ordinary characters that become extraordinary heroes) , bell that has arrived to give cuenta de un irresponsible void that recent Argentine history kept with the same event.
Thanks to the power that the audiovisual report assumes, new generations of Argentines can now understand more fully when, how and why it was possible to put an end to the sick recurrence of coups d’etat that corrupted the republican system throughout the entire siglo veinte . From the civic and moral bases that this historic court held for Argentinademocracy achieved its immunity.
It is clear, however, that the sweetened tone that Santiago Miter and Mariano Millás chose for the script developed in an extemporaneous account by intended and overacted anti-grieta staging that the film intends to reflect on that time. in Argentina, 1985 does not show, in case, there real dimension that assumed the role of Raúl Alfonsín to impuls and support the fundamental decision to sit for the first time in the bench of accused to a group of military jerarcas that aún kept an immeasurable power. It wasn’t magic: Juicio a las Juntas was only possible from the political will expressed by the radical leader, in years when a square could end in tragedy.
On the other hand, it is also mentioned in the film directed by Miter, irresponsibility of Peronism at the end of the dictatorship. Nothing is said about the intention of the justicialist candidate Ítalo Lúder, who was willing to guarantee the self-amnesty that the military had decreed, in case he had triumphed in the 1983 presidential election. to evade the political obligation to accompany and validate the National Commission for the Disappeared (Conadep) in 1984.
Argentina, 1985 It is the most important political event in years.
But it does not prevent, however, to notice that 1985 manages to reposition the Judiciary to the Juntas in the podium of the most notable events achieved by Argentine history. Because never before has the ordinary justice of a country been able to send the military to prison, who overthrew a democratic government. There is no precedent for such a feat.
The trial that took place in Argentina could be compared with the one that the allied powers had with the representatives of Nazism. but them Nuremberg Judgments represent a process imposed by victorious powers over the vanquished. The judges of the United States and their allies were the ones who passed sentences on the German military. In 1946, those who had participated in the Third Reich under Adolf Hitler’s orders heard their condemnations through a translator from English to German. It’s something very different from what happened in Argentina.
The other antecedent that presents a parangón is produced in Greece in 1975, when a group of soldiers was sentenced for crimes committed during the dictatorship that lasted between 1967 and 1974. But this case is also different for Argentina, because in Athens the violators of human rights were tried by a Military Court. However, the Supreme Council of Armed Forces avoided assuming the responsibility imposed on the Argentine dictators who were accused by civil courts of their own country.
in The waterfall of justice: how the justices of lesser humanity are changing the worldAmerican political scientist Kathryn Sikkink explains background that I have Argentina at world level, as it is the only country that has gone from being a “pariah” to an “international example” in the field of reparations for violations of human rights. Professor at the University of Harvard, Sikkink is an expert in international relations and international law and supports that the Judiciary for the Military Juntas allowed to install in the whole world the idea that, later on, the justice will act against crimes committed by any dictatorship .
There are no antecedents: civil judges condemning dictators of their country.
Fixing the fate that other countries have faced with similar scourges also reflects a very favorable situation for the Argentine case: the complex output that offers the regional dictations as it is demonstrated. in Uruguay, for example, presented a curious paradoja in 2010, when the former tupamaro guerrilla, José Pepe Mujica, won the presidency in the same election in which the Uruguayan society supported the idea of giving amnesty to the military leaders.
The Chilean antecedent is also a case study. Augusto Pinochet became a symbol for the South American military, because in 1988 I proposed a plebiscite in the one that sought to legitimize itself through the ballot boxes. Pinochet lost this election and then the transition to democracy began, but the Pinochet legacy remains up to date in a country in which the Constitution sanctioned by the dictatorship does not last.
Brazil and Paraguay also serve as an example. In both cases, the military ceded power with a much broader social support than what was evident in Argentina. For this reason, the Commissions of Truth in these countries I haven’t had the same impulse as the Argentine and it was not possible to give an account, up to date, of the totality of the crimes committed during those dictatorships.
Francoism in Spain and Salazarism in PortugalOn the other hand, there are European antecedents that demonstrate that there can be prolonged de facto governments, who wish to remain in power for several decades, but later achieve a cloak of impunity that prevents them from being tried for their crimes. Asimism, there is evidence from Asian countries, such as China, South Korea, Hong Kong and Vietnam, that today are examples of an economic development that was consolidated by dictatorial governments, Sin that hayan tenido that give account of the committed atrocities.
Although in Africa the antecedent of apartheid is found, the racist dictatorship that ruled South Africa for long and dark years until Nelson Mandela’s government led the Commission for Truth and Reconciliation. This organization was created in 1995 to achieve restorative justice, through a process that carried out a court case but was not: people who had suffered violations of human rights were invited to provide statements, while the perpetrators of these crimes They were not judged in exchange for revealing what had happened with the victims.
El Juicio a las Juntas sets out the foundations of Argentine democracy.
All of these antecedents realize much more the emblematic cause 13/84 carried out by the National Chamber of Appeals and that Argentina, 1985 come to recover. Before filming, son Julio Strassera asks the inspector: “Are you going to put Videla in cana?”. At the end of the narration, the mismo youth shouts euphorically: “You got Videla in cana! Metiste en cana Videla!”. Sending the dictators to prison in the first years of democratic restoration allowed no other military man to con volve to rise in arms against the Constitution. Because to condemn the hechos committed in the past, the Juicio a las Juntas projected a less traumatic future.
in When the power lost the judgment, Luis Moreno Ocampo recalls Viet Thanh Nguyen, a Vietnamese writer who took refuge with his family in a refugee camp during the war of the seventies, until his family went into exile in the United States, where he became a prominent professor of Social Sciences. in Nothing Muere Jamás: Vietnam and the War Remembrancethe sostuvo Pulitzer winner: “The war gets rid of the times, first in the battlefield and fight in the memory”.
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